Monday, December 2, 2013

Critique of “Guns, Germs, & Steel” and Cultural Ecology

*First off, my apologies if this is a little late in the game. I started this entry the day we watched the film and never actually posted it. Hopefully it is still fresh in your minds!*

In the National Geographic documentary “Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies,” Jared Diamond argues that much of human behavior, culture, and social structures are determined by the environment and resources it offers. Of the theories we have encountered thus far, I have found this one to be one of the most reasonable. Not only did Diamond attempt to tackle one of the biggest questions any anthropologist—or human, for that matter—has wondered, but I think he does a rather eloquent job of doing so.

Why do certain civilizations survive and conquer others?

He dismissed the idea that Eurasian hegemony is a result of any sort of intellectual, moral, or genetic superiority. Rather, he suggests that “geographic luck” is responsible for some civilizations being more successful than others. Geographic luck consists of a good environment, which leads to technological advancements and, ultimately, civilization. The ideal environment has high protein plants that are easy to plant and harvest and large, plant-eating, social animals with an internal social hierarchy that mature early, reproduce often, and work well with humans. He suggests that groups in places such as Papua New Guinea are more than capable of mastering their environment but they just didn’t have the right one.

This is just about the only major connection between cultural ecology and the ideas of cultural relativists like Boas and his students. Both theories state that no culture is inherently superior to another. Cultural relativism was largely developed in response to Western ethnocentrism, but is largely anti-evolutionism and not really geographically deterministic. Cultural relativism holds that an individual’s beliefs and activities should only be understood in the context of his specific culture. This delegitimizes comparison between and across cultures.

More connections can be made between functionalism and cultural ecology. Structural functionalism acknowledges the importance of a social system, and like cultural ecology, does not place much importance on the individual. Psychological functionalism focuses on individual needs, but acknowledges that cultural and social institutions function to meet basic needs, then later develop into secondary needs. This is compatible with cultural ecology in that in order to develop these complex social and cultural institutions or behaviors, basic biological and physiological needs must be met first. Cultures that must devote all of their time to responding to these most basic needs won’t have time to develop and fulfill these secondary needs. However, a major difference between cultural ecology and functionalism is that both functionalist theories are synchronic, meaning that they only focus on one cross-section of time; whereas Diamond’s cultural ecological approach is diachronic in nature, focusing on all of history.

Another major focus of cultural ecology is materialism. Marx believes the driving force in history is the struggle between producers and exploiters. Applied to the inequality of civilizations, Eurasian civilizations are the exploiters and Papua New Guineans are the producers. Marx stated that human labor leads to class consciousness, and it is in the nature of Eurasian civilizations as capitalists to exploit classes they view as beneath them. Marx sees the world as made up of processes, relations, contradictions, and conflicts, not unlike Diamond. However, he does not believe it is founded in fixed entities or structures.

This is where structuralism seems to be more compatible with cultural ecology. Consistent with both theories, similar patterns of development reflect fundamental similarities in the structure of the human mind. Levi-Strauss believed that ethnologists are a special kind of ecologist. An underlying mental structure in everything is what leads to universal unity, allowing ethnologists to compare different cultures out of context to find these structures. An ecologist stresses the importance of this context, in that environment provides an intellectual puzzle, and from these puzzle pieces (materials and resources in the environment), humans create their intellectual world. Diamond might say that Eurasians were working with a 1000-piece puzzle while Papua New Guineans ended up with the “ages 3 & up” puzzle.


Perhaps the most obvious theoretical connection that can be made here is to evolutionism. His work offers further support for E.B. Tylor’s concept of psychic unity and Lewis Henry Morgan’s independent invention, their explanation for why different civilizations across the globe with no contact or influence from each other developed similar technologies, traits, and institutions. The only conflicting ideas between evolutionism and cultural ecology appear to be ethnocentrism and the idea of certain cultures being intellectually superior to others. Diamond stresses that a lack of ingenuity is not what is holding back these civilizations. Although I think that this is a rather noble way of defending those less advanced, some might say that his views do not give enough credit to human influence or activity in those advanced civilizations. However, if this is the worst to be said about cultural ecology, I believe it still holds a pretty strong argument.

-- Mariah!

5 comments:

  1. While I agree with Mariah’s theoretical critiques of “Guns, Germs, and Steel,” I want to make a couple of further comments about the extent to which Diamond’s theories can be applied. I personally believe that, while it does make some good points and acute observations, Diamond’s theory is too universally applied. He claims that geographic determinism is the key to the development of civilizations across the entire globe. Yes, while geography does play a huge role in the development of larger scale societies and complexities, I believe his emphasis on the agricultural productivity of where people reside as the key to the rise in complexity is too generally applied.
    While I do not precisely remember the details presented in the film version of “Guns Germs and Steel” that we viewed in class, I remember Diamond making the comment that groups are always going to be at a disadvantage if they cannot farm. I do not believe this to be true. For example, the Northwest Coast of the United States produced some of the largest and most socially complex societies in all of North America’s prehistory. This was largely due to the enormous productivity of salmon runs in the area that would occur annually. The people occupying the regions surrounding the runs would be able to harvest salmon and preserve it in such great quantity that they would have a staple food source and even excess food for the rest of the year. With this excess in food came the rise of “chiefdoms” in which the societies benefitting from the salmon abundance began to consolidate into large populations with social hierarchy and specialization. The sizes and complexity of these societies rivaled and even exceeded that of some agriculturally based chiefdoms that existed at the same time in southeastern United States for example.
    While this is a huge generalization as to the details pertaining to the rise of complexity on the Northwest Coast, it is clear that complexity does not have to rely on agriculture to come about. I think it would be more appropriate for Diamond to investigate the ability to gather food in excess as a means for the rise of complex societies rather than right away attribute it to agricultural productivity of an area or domestication. So while my example supplied above still supports the importance of geographic location (proximity to salmon runs) for the rise in complexity proposed by Diamond, it disproves his focus on agriculture and domestication as the sole source of this complexity.
    So I guess when it comes down to it, like Mariah I think Diamond’s theory does indeed follow a cultural ecology approach to the rise in complexity. However, as stated above, my critique of it lies within his diachronic application of agriculture as the key to advancement in all regions. I think his geographic theory can indeed be applied in a diachronic manner, but he should change his focus on agriculture and domestication to the procurement of excess food as a whole.

    Peter

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  2. Having just finished taking the LSAT this morning (fingers crossed), I couldn't help but notice a subtle logical inconsistency in Pete's critique of Diamond. Bear with me, for a moment, while I take you through a day in the life of an LSAT logic game:

    The first component of a game is its premise. This usually consists of about a paragraph worth of material, and introduces setting, players, and purpose. Immediately following the premise come a set of rules. Rules explain the ways in which players interact with one another. “If A, then B” for example, might be the most straightforward relationship the LSAT will give you. But what does this actually mean? “If” is a key word here, as it is used to introduce sufficient conditions. “If A, then B” implies that if A happened, you know for a fact that B did too. Simple enough, right? Things get a little more interesting if we want to find the opposite, or “contrapositive,” of this statement. One might be tempted to say, “If no A, then no B” but this is a fundamental error in logic. Take the Star Wars universe, for example. If you are a Jedi, you can use the force:

    “If you are a Jedi (A), you can use the force (B).”

    But, is it correct to say that, “If you are not a Jedi (anti-A), you cannot use the force (anti-B)”? Nope! Because there exist Sith lords—evil leaders who can use the force, but are most definitely not Jedi. Thus, the correct contrapositive of “If A, then B” becomes:

    “If you cannot use the force (anti-B), you are not a Jedi (anti-A).”

    You must flip and negate the two conditions. You definitely can’t be a Jedi if you cannot use the force. In this instance, “Jedi” (A) is the sufficient condition that ensures “force user” (B)—the necessary condition. Makes sense, right?

    Now, let’s apply this structure to Diamond’s theory. Going off of Pete’s critique, “If a society can farm successfully using agriculture (A), it possesses a distinct food-gathering advantage over those that cannot (B).” But! What happens if a society cannot farm effectively via agriculture? Are we allowed to assume “If you cannot farm through agriculture, then you do not possess a distinct advantage over those that cannot?” Nope! We negated the conditions, but we forgot to flip them. Just because a society cannot farm using agriculture does not mean they cannot have any food-gathering advantage. Just because you are not a Jedi, does not mean you cannot use the force. Remember the Sith. In fact, Pete actually proves just this point with his example of the Pacific Northwest salmon tribes. Here is a society that could not farm via agriculture (anti-A), but still possessed a distinct food gathering advantage (B) in the form of geographical proximity to salmon migratory routes.

    I realize this may not read like a prototypical Theory response, but, having drilled logic into my head for the last three months, I get a nervous twitch upon seeing faulty contrapositives. I fully believe that applying logic to theoretical principles—and I mean really symbolizing the rules/variables of a theory and their relation to each other, like we did here—can and will pay dividends in the long run.

    Sincerely,

    A slave to LSAT nerd-logic

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    Replies
    1. I don't think Pete would disagree with you, would he? Isn't it Diamond who applies the faulty logic pointed out by you and Pete? On the other hand, Diamond is pointing to a very broad historical trend. Is he right in the larger scope of things?

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  3. Nice entry on Diamond, Mariah! Though I'm still a bit fuzzy on the relationship between L-S and cultural ecology . . .

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